Some Notes and Reflections on the Current Philippine Situation

Richard S. Solis, IIRE-Manila, September 3, 2011

The second State of the Nation Address (SONA) of President Benigno Simeon Aquino III (PNoy) last July 25, 2011 was better delivered than his first one.  That was in terms of the mastery of the language (almost 98% was in the National Language – Tagalog) and the number of applauses it got from his audience.  But in terms of context, his famous term of “wang-wang” referring to one’s blatant display of power in getting something done for one’s self interest has morphed into one’s frame of mind (utak wang-wang) in doing things to enrich or favor oneself at the expenses of others.  There was a mention on how well the economy’s performance and about the burning issue of the day – that is – the row with China on the Spratly islands and the reason of the newly acquired naval vessel from the US to protect the country’s interest against the oppression of China.  And there was a mention of the past regime’s corruption and how his (PNoy) regime has been doing something about it.  But there were no mention on the situation of the Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) in the light of the worsening situation in the Middle East and the North African country of Libya and surprisingly there was no substantial mention of the peace processes which in the first SONA were considered as one of the main stresses of the current administration.

                On the (OFWs) considered by past and present administrations as the country’s modern day heroes for singlehandedly saving the country’s economy through their ever increasing remittances, one cannot surely understand why the PNoy  Adminsitration does not give so much attention on them in his two SONAs or even in its day to day governance.

                On the peace processes, one can easily notice the unusual attention given to them by the President and his officials. In fact the reason why it was not mentioned (the case of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front – MILF) because they were preparing a “surprise” for the meeting of PNoy and Al Haj Murad, the Chair of the MILF which took place in Tokyo last August 5, 2011.

                The Tokyo meeting was not only significant in pushing for a fast track peace process but also created so much hope that finally a comprehensive political settlement with the MILF and the Republic of the Philippines is within reach.  But one can also see the historical and symbolic act on this so-called historical meeting because almost 23 years ago, then President Cory C. Aquino met with the leader of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) Chair Nur Misuari in Sulu which also fast track the peace process with the MNLF.  Another similarity is in the manner of the Aquino tradition was the historic meeting between President Cory Aquino and Father Conrado Balweg, a former SVD priest and Chair of the Cordillera Peoples’ Liberation Army (CPLA).  Both the MNLF and the CPLA had signed  peace agreements with the government, the former was with President Fidel Ramos (1996) Cory’s successor and the latter with President Cory Aquino.  As events have unfolded now, both have been considered failed political projects but are being revisited by the current Aquino to give stress to his administration’s efforts in achieving genuine and sustainable peace.

                Knowing and understanding this context can help us comprehend the present peace framework of PNoy’s administration.  And just before Tokyo, PNoy and his advisors met with the current Chair of the CPLA to put closure on the unfulfilled promises by different government administrations to the CPLA.  In fact another document was signed during PNoy’s meeting with the current leadership of the CPLA to fast track economic development in the 56 identified villages in the Cordillera in exchange of the full integration to the mainstream of the so-called CPLA combatants.  Today, all the governors and mayors including the members of the House of Representatives (except one) complained about the latest agreement.  They complained that they were not consulted and the move to develop only the 56 villages in the region is very divisive and wrongly advice move on the part of PNoy.

                And regarding the Tokyo meeting, even if one should put stress on the pure intention of PNoy to reach a peaceful political settlement with the MILF during his term, one cannot also help but imagine the tremendous expectations and  pressures on both the government and the MILF to come up with substantial development.  The MILF has been expecting the government to agree with them on their “sub-state” proposal which is almost the same with the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) and the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD).  The good timing of the coming out of Ombra Kato – the former 105 Base Commander of the MILF with his own group from Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) to the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Movement (BIFM) directly challenge the legitimacy of the MILF in speaking and representing the Bangsamoro people in the peace negotiation.  Kato’s BIFM has presented an extreme framework for achieving peace in Mindanao in particular and the country in general and that is through independence.

                When the PNoy government through its peace panel presented their framework of genuine autonomy to the MILF peace panel, it was rejected outright by the panel during its second formal panel to panel meeting in Kuala Lumpur last August 22, 2011. The outright rejection of the MILF panel is very revealing in terms of the decision making process of the MILF (Central Committee and the Peace Panel who’s who).  But more so because it took Chair Murad himself to explain what is the status of the peace talks and what will be the plans of the MILF regarding Ombra Kato.

                Meanwhile, the government panel especially its Chair has been going around for consultations with regards to the framework it has presented to the MILF.  According to the government panel Chair, they also have rejected the rejection of the MILF.  But it should be noted that they have just consulted  the people now on the framework they have presented and rejected by the MILF.  So peoples’ voice was first rejected through non- consultation by the government panel who is supposed  to negotiate with the MILF in their name.

                Another PNoy’s card which became expose is the connection of its peace framework and the ARMM Appointment of its officials including its Regional Legislative Assembly, it plans to use the ARMM as a venue or vehicle to attract the MILF and the MNLF personalities to the political entrapment and influence those who were still active inside for peaceful reintegration to the mainstream.  This kind of arrangement should be supported by the Bangsamoro Civil Society groups to show especially to the leadership of the MILF that the ARMM is not a total failure and can still be a model – indeed genuine autonomy is very feasible.  This is a very good plan but integral in its presentation of the repackaged ARMM is that it will be corruption free or at least corruption is less compared in the past.  Indeed the civil society groups can help in this repackaging only that there is no strong civil society groups among the Bangsamoro and if there are, they are not politically unbiased towards the stronger Moro Liberation Fronts. And worst many of the so-called Bangsamoro civil society are not corrupt free themselves.

                With this kind of development and the possibility of other groups from MILF who will do an Ombra Kato, there is a very urgent task for all the progressive and development workers especially from the three peoples of Mindanao to perform and engage in a community-based and people-centered peace building.  The process which will ensure the participation in all levels of the processes of the grassroots matters very much not the deadline or even a signed peace document.